Olympic Rules Shenanigans: Dolphin Kick Edition

Fresh off the silliness of the badminton play-to-lose scandal comes this lovely piece on dolphin kicks. Last weekend, South African Cameron van der Burgh won gold in the 100m breaststroke.

However, Australia’s Olympic committee is putting up a fuss, as video footage of van der Burgh clearly shows him executing three dolphin kicks after diving into the water. (An Australian swimmer finished in second.) Breaststroke competitions allow only one.

And van der Burgh does not give a damn. From the link:

If you’re not doing it, you’re falling behind. It’s not obviously–shall we say–the moral thing to do, but I’m not willing to sacrifice my personal performance and four years of hard work for someone that is willing to do it and get away with it.

You see, FINA (the governing body of swimming) does not use cameras underwater to check for illegal dolphin kicks. Moreover, Australia cannot formally appeal van der Burgh’s finish, as there is no formal appeal process.

Of course, an appeal probably wouldn’t do much good, considering the Australian swimmer did the exact same thing.

As with the badminton scandal, the real moral of the story is about institutional design. If you build a bad institution, it will lead to more bad things. Here, you should not create rules that you do not plan to enforce. The players who wish to abide by those rules face a stark choice: play “fair” or let the “unfair” win. So even those wishing to play fair break the rules, and we end up in a situation as though the rule does not exist.

Strangely, the dolphin kick rule could be enforced. FINA used underwater technology at the swimming World Cup in 2010. Everyone knew that dolphin kicks were prohibited and breaking the rules would not go unnoticed, so no one broke them.

Derp! Badminton Could Learn from Political Science (Or, Winning By Losing)

Political science doesn’t have many “laws” the way physics does. But here’s one of them:

Law: People will strategize according to the institutional features put in front of them.

Here’s a corollary that I think should follow from that:

Corollary: If one creates stupid institutional rules, one loses the right to object to people taking advantage of them.

Apparently the Olympic organizing group of badminton could learn from this law and its corollary. Yesterday, you see, eight players intentionally played to lose. Full story here.

The gist of it is this: Early in the day, the #2 team in the world lost their last group game, sending them to the bottom of the teams qualified for the quarterfinals. Later on, teams that were already qualified for the quarterfinals played to lose, concerned that a win would propel them to a high seed that force them to play the #2 team sooner in the elimination bracket. Oops.

Badminton officials were shocked–shocked!–that the players would resort to such a cunningly intelligent strategy. Furthermore, the officials complained that the players had violated a rule that protects against athletes “not using one’s best efforts to win a match”–as though one could reasonably discern what qualifies as “best effort” versus “a little bit less than best effort, but still enough effort to convince everyone that we actually care even though we don’t.”

Here are a couple of solutions for the Olympic badminton committee. First, you could schedule all of the final games group play simultaneously, to make it harder for teams to know to throw matches from the start. (Soccer pulls a similar trick in the Euro and World Cup, albeit for slightly different purposes.) Or you could have a single elimination tournament from the start.

Just don’t be surprised when players try to win…by losing.

Update: The players have been disqualified. Next time, I suggest feigning an injury.

The USA Today story also reports that the Japanese women’s soccer team intentionally sought to draw yesterday, as to avoid playing the United States in the quarterfinals.

Why Are We So Bad at Teaching Math?

Today’s New York Times had an interesting op-ed by Andrew Hacker arguing that we should abandon algebra from our high school and college core curricula. This is not a great idea. (See John Patty’s response if you require convincing.) That said, one reason Hacker wants to drop algebra is because we as Americans suck at it. Fair enough. But why are we so horrible?

I think our math education system is to blame. Confession: I got B’s and C’s in my high school math classes. After scoring consecutive C’s in pre-calculus in sophomore year of high school, I abandoned math entirely.

Think about how ridiculous that is. The author of the world’s most popular game theory textbook (a full year at number one!) could barely get through high school math classes.

In retrospect, I sucked because I was unmotivated. I failed to see how math remotely related to the things I was interested in, and so I put in the bare-minimum amount of effort. In my defense, no one ever bothered to tell me why I should care. Instead, I just got logarithmic functions and tangent lines thrown at me for the sake of throwing them at me.

American may be bad at math, but I wonder how much of it is a lack of effort. When I became a senior in college, some of my political science professors sat me down and told me it was time to learn calculus. (The terror!) I got straight A’s in the three quarter sequence. I don’t think I grew particularly smarter over the five years math was absent from my life. Rather, taking advanced political science courses convinced me that math is necessary to understand the world, which in turn gave me the motivation to put in the hours to learn calculus.

Ultimately, I blame the system. High school math teachers are overwhelmingly former college math majors. For whatever reason, these people find math inherently interesting, and they teach like this is normal.

It’s not. Most of us need a reason to care. We should not expect teenagers to naturally gravitate to seemingly unrelateable subjects.

I wrote my game theory textbook accordingly. Most game theory courses begin with some abstract explanation of expected utility theory. BOR-RING. I really do not care about expected utility. Neither should you. Strategically interdependent situations are actually interesting. Expected utility theory is only important insofar as the study of strategically interdependent behavior requires it. Thus, I start with actual games and sweat the small stuff later. I think that is one of the reasons the textbook has found an audience outside of people taking game theory courses.

Surely high school math classes can find a similar way to make math relatable to teenagers.

Political Science Sucks at Marketing

Freakonomics recently ran a poll on which social science should be eliminated. Political science came in second, with 29.3% of the vote. (Sociology won–more accurately, lost–the poll with 49.1%. Strangely, despite this being Freakonomics, psychology had the fewest votes for elimination.)

Here is one of the comments a reader used to justify his vote:

Caleb B: “Poli Sci should die. It’s only a major for lawyers, lobbyists, and politicians. We need fewer of each.”

The sad part is that I think Caleb’s comments reflect the public’s general consensus of political science. As a discipline, we co-opted the undergraduate lawyer, lobbyist, and politician types so enough students would take our classes and we would continue to get funding from our universities. We tailored our syllabi accordingly to do this. Thus, like a vicious cycle, we keep dumbing down our undergrad classes and promulgating Caleb’s impression of political science.

It is our fault. If we as a discipline spent more time marketing real political science, I don’t think the House would have voted to cut National Science Foundation funding from departments.

Romney Should Release His Returns

If you have been following the 2012 campaign, you know that Mitt Romney has not released his tax returns from before 2010. This has caused speculation that Romney did something wrong during 2008 or 2009–anything from finding interesting (but legal) tax shelters for his Bain Capital income to participating in the IRS’s 2009 amnesty program. Romney has held firm, claiming that rivals are attempting to divert attention from important campaign issues to his tax life. Of course, this has backfired, inadvertently causing more speculation.

I did not fully appreciate the strategic aspects of the situation until reading this blog post from Daniel Shaviro. In it, he makes an important insight:

Romney’s reluctance to release any pre-2010 tax return might be that what it would show is worse than all the heat he is taking for non-disclosure.

I thought that was an interesting intuition. However, I have realized that it wrong, at least in the long run. No matter how bad Romney’s pre-2010 tax returns are, they cannot be worse than the speculation he will eventually receive.

To see why, imagine that one of three things is true about Romney: (1) he did nothing wrong, (2) he did something politically embarrassing (like find ridiculous tax loopholes), or (3) he did something blatantly illegal (like something that would have made him participate in the 2009 IRS program). Option 1 is a non-issue. Option 2 is not politically expedient but not altogether damning; Romney could even take some of the heat off by claiming to be the best candidate to shut down these loopholes given his first-hand knowledge of the tax system. Option 3 is game over.

The public intuitively understands that if (1) were true, Romney would have come forward already. (Let’s define the “public” as independents who haven’t already decided who to vote for. We know that ideologues from both sides are lost causes here.) Maybe he is reluctant to let everyone know he made gazillions of dollars those years, but that is a hell of a lot better than the beating he is receiving right now. So we can eliminate option 1 from the list. This is inference #1.

That leaves us with option 2 and option 3. But if both are possible, then our rational expectation of Romney’s sleaziness falls somewhere in between 2 and 3. In other words, we believe on average that Romney is worse than the guy who found tax loopholes but better than the guy who did something illegal. However, that implies that Romney should come forward if he is type 2; releasing his returns will prove that he is not as bad as the average between 2 and 3 and thus leave Romney’s reputation in better shape.

As such, the only type who does not come forward is the worst type. Put differently, by not releasing his returns, the public should rationally infer that the worst thing is true. This is inference #2.

For now, the public seems to understand inference #1 but not inference #2. However, it is only matter of time before they draw that conclusion; after all, it is logically valid. So, for now, Romney can get away without releasing the documents. But over time, things will only get worse as the public slowly reaches inference #2.

If I were Romney’s advisor, I would have him release the documents immediately. Whatever is on them cannot be as bad as where this public speculation is headed. The decision is whether to handle the blow-back now–three months before the election–or wait until October. Clearly the former is the better option.

Video explanation below:

International Relations 101

As a part of my continued philosophy to do things exactly once and do them right, I have begun a video series on international relations. Here’s the first video in YouTube form:

The project started when I began stringing together notes from the Intro to IR class I TA’d for last spring. (It also spawned a book project, but that’s a subject for another day.) In any case, outlining the lectures has given me a better idea of what we are currently doing in IR and what frustrates me about the way we teach it. The series will probably be around fifty videos. I hope you enjoy them.

How to Get More (And Better) Book Reviews

We all know book reviews are important–they generate publicity and improve the reputation of your book on Amazon. But getting good book reviews is not easy, especially when trolls exist. So how do you encourage more people to write reviews of your book without breaking Amazon’s terms of service? Here’s an easy method: ask.

Step 1: Put Your Email Address in Your Book
Some people do not do this. I think there are three rationales:

1) People think their email addresses are private. Newsflash: your email is not your home address. Email is the softest of all possible contact mediums. If you don’t want to respond, you simply delete the email. No one can effectively harass you, because you just report it as spam. Done. (By keeping it private, you are also making it more difficult for media to contact you. That is a bad thing.)

2) People are worried that spam will fill up their inbox. Newsflash: get Gmail. There is no need to do silly things like “email me at williamspaniel AT gmail DOT com” anymore. My email address (as a hyperlink) appears all over the internet. I receive virtually no spam. You will receive virtually no spam as well.

3) People are worried they will be overwhelmed with fan mail. Newsflash: this is a very good thing. But you won’t be overwhelmed. I have sold more than 25,000 books in under a year (with my email address right at the front of the book), and I get about one or two messages a week. That is more than manageable.

Step 2: Wait for Emails
This is probably the hardest part, because you just have to sit and wait for the emails to come in.

Step 3: Respond to Emails
Take five minutes, understand what the reader is saying and what he or she is asking, and construct an intelligent response.

Step 4: Ask for a Review
If the reader responded positively to your work, simply end the email like this:

I am glad you enjoyed the book. Thank you for your feedback, and I always appreciate it when my readers post reviews on Amazon.

Readers will do this for you, especially when you are kind enough to respond to their questions. The best part is that you can be selective of whom you solicit for comments. If the reader is raging at you, you do not mention the review. If he or she really likes you, you do. The reader wins because he gets to hear directly from you. You win because you get a five star review.

New Paper: The Hometown Discount Paradox

If you read the sports media much, you often hear about the concept of a “hometown discount”—when a player signs with his hometown team (or any team with a desirable location to the player) for less money than he could receive elsewhere. Unfortunately, misconceptions regarding the hometown discount run rampant. My latest working paper (more of a research note) dispels a couple of them.

First, we often hear players making public declarations that they will refuse to give a particular team a hometown discount. Sports reporters treat these words as gospel; if the player says it is true, then it must be true! This is absolute nonsense. Anyone who has sat through a round of poker can see right through it. From a financial standpoint, the player clearly benefits if the team offers him a contract without a hometown discount. Thus, even a player who would accept the largest hometown discount in the history of mankind has incentive to pretend like he would accept no hometown discount. There is simply no way to tell whether the player is bluffing or not.

The second misconception is that hometown discounts unequivocally make it more likely that the team will sign the player. In truth, reality is much more complicated than that. Hometown discounts can either help or hurt, depending on the nature of the discount.

Although the paper delves much deeper into this issue (and includes a lot of easy to follow pictures!), I will present an example to explain what I mean. Suppose the hometown team values a player worth $120 million and the player is being offered a $100 million contract from a rival. If no hometown discount exists, the team should be able to sign the player without problem—a contract worth $101 million, for instance, leaves both the hometown team and the player better off than if the player signed with the rival.

Now suppose the team only valued the player worth $95 million. Without a hometown discount, the situation is hopeless; the most the team would be willing to offer is $95 million, but the opposing contract is worth $5 million more. But if the player is willing to offer the hometown team a $10 million discount, then they can reach an agreement. For example, the team could offer a contract worth $93 million. The team still profits for $2 million. Likewise, the player prefers signing with the hometown team, since a $93 million contract with them is functionally worth $103 million after including the hometown benefit, which is more than the $100 million he would receive elsewhere.

This case reflects the traditional notion of the hometown discount—hometown teams can sign hometown players more easily, since the hometown player is willing to accept less money. However, this effect only holds up when the team actually knows how much of a hometown discount the player is willing to receive. This is a ridiculously strong assumption. The team should have a ballpark idea on how much of a discount the player should accept, but to know the exact amount would require actually being in the head of the player.

Allowing for uncertainty makes the situation much harder to analyze, which takes up a bulk of the paper. But to summarize the results, if the outside contract offer is extremely competitive, the team gambles with its contract offer. Players willing to accept large hometown discounts accept, while the others accept the offer from the rival.

Why is this? Well, suppose the team values the player worth $100 million, and the outside offer is also worth $100 million. In addition, suppose the team believes the player is willing to offer somewhere between $0 and $10 million of a hometown discount, but is not sure of the exact amount. The team could match the $100 million offer and induce all of the players to sign, but the team makes literally no profit on the contract; it values the player worth $100 million, but pays $100 million to the player.

In contrast, the team could offer $95 million to the player. If exactly half of the players are willing to give a hometown discount of $5 million or more, then the team profits by $5 million half of the time, for a net gain of $2.5 million. This is worth more than offering $100 million, yet it means that the player signs with the rival half of the time!

On the other hand, when opposing offers are low, the team has no reason to make this gamble. Suppose the outside offer is only worth $20 million but the hometown team still values the player worth $100 million. At this point, matching the $20 million offer is optimal for the team; its profit margin is $80 million, which is large enough to make the gamble not worth the risk.

So, in conclusion, the nature of the hometown discount determines whether the player is actually more likely to sign with the team. If everyone knows what is going on, then it can only help. But when the team is uncertain of the player’s hometown discount, things can go haywire.

New Working Paper: Risk Aversion in Sports Contract Negotiations

I got curious about sports free agency after Jered Weaver resigned with the Angels for five years and $85 million. Pitchers of his caliber on the free agent market pick up much larger contracts. Why didn’t Weaver wait it out until free agency? And, given that he was going to resign with the Angels, why did he sign when he did and not a month before or a month after?

After working out the logic, I think I have a reasonable answer. I will be presenting my findings at the SABR conference at the end of the month, but the paper is available here right now.

The basic concept involves risk aversion. Weaver alerted me to the idea when he asked “how much more money do you really need?” Although Weaver would have certainly made more money had he made it to free agency, there was inherent risk in waiting. What if he suffered a catastrophic injury in the meantime? He would go from making nine figures to virtually nothing in the blink of an eye. As such, Jered willingly accepted a smaller amount in expectation; the luxury of guaranteed money was worth paying the premium.

My conference paper expands on this idea. I show that if a player is risk averse enough, he will always resign with his team no matter how much money he would make on the free agent market. This is good news for teams, as the exclusive bargaining rights allow them to leverage the risk of injury to get their players to accept contracts for smaller amounts—which is exactly what we saw in the case with Jered Weaver.

However, risk aversion is an internal trait that is difficult to directly observe. Teams might not know exactly how risk averse a player is, which makes it hard to know how much the team should offer the player. My paper investigates such a dynamic. In this case, the team increases its offers over the course of the season. The player accepts when the team finally meets his requirements. Meanwhile, the team is willing to increase its offers because playing games credibly demonstrates the player’s tolerance for risk. This explains why we see variation in the timing of contract signings; more risk averse players sign earlier in the season, while more risk tolerant players sign later on.

The paper also proves three other neat findings. First, you may intuitively believe the team would only benefit from increasing player safety. However, the model shows that the team actually benefits in contract extension negotiations from some level of danger—otherwise, the team cannot exploit the player’s risk aversion at all. Second, it questions the wisdom of suspending contract negotiations during the season, as it prevents the team from learning more about the player as the season progresses. Finally, it advises teams to pay more attention to players’ level of risk aversion during the draft season; all other things being equal, more risk averse players sign for less money, which allows the team to concentrate its resources on other players.

You can view a version of my presentation on YouTube below. If you are going to the SABR conference, then please drop in to Ballroom 3 from 3:00 to 3:25 on Thursday to see me make the presentation in person. And, once again, you can click here to download the full paper.

Fighting Piracy

I had my game theory textbook pirated today on Scribd. This was the first time that ever happened. The DMCA takedown notice did not take long to write, and Scribd removed the book within eight hours. Overall, it was a painless but not so fun diversion.

Anyway, I doubt I would have noticed it at all had I not set up a Google alert. Essentially, Google sends you an email whenever a new website pops up using the search terms you desire. If you have your name or your book title set up in the alert, you will know within 24 hours when something like this happens. It is a free and easy way to fight piracy, so I strongly suggest you set up an alert for yourself.